Retired professor and book author Bill Schneider explains (here) the Republican Party “is becoming a cult” based on the “MAGA” values espoused by Trump.
This isn’t new. “Right-wing extremism,” he says, “dates back to the earliest days of the country.” Over the generations, it has taken varying forms, with changing targets, but its enduring characteristic is unreason.
“Right-wing extremism is not about the rational calculation of interests. It’s about irrational impulses,” he says. Those impulses drive political movements appealing “to status resentments … irrational in character,” which typically use a scapegoat to mobilize their followers.
Prof. Schneider says, “The most common scapegoats have been minority ethnic or religious groups. In the 19th century, that meant Catholics, immigrants and even Freemasons. The Anti-Masonic Party, the Know Nothing Party and later the American Protective Association were major political forces. In the 20th century, the U.S. experienced waves of anti-immigrant sentiment. After World War II, anti-communism became the driving force.”
Today’s rightwing extremism, he says, is rooted in values conflicts that began emerging in the 1960s and 1970s. Today’s political divisions are intractable because, “Conflicts of interest (such as business versus labor) can be negotiated and compromised. Conflicts of values cannot [be].”
(That’s an interesting insight, because I’ve often written on this blog (and elsewhere) that America’s politics need to return to the familiar “negotiation and compromise.” But there’s no sign of that happening; instead it’s going in the other direction, toward greater conflict. This take on things also explains the intense anti-intellectualism of today’s Republican Party — its very foundation is unreason and appeal to feelings.)
Democrats, he says, support diversity — of race, ethnicity, religion, and sexuality — and “the tradition of American pluralism.” Republicans believe “we should all share the same … values.” (Theirs, it goes without saying; accompanied by intolerance of differences.)
Thus, the politics of reason vs. unreason, tolerance vs. intolerance, and “us” vs. “them” have come to dominate the U.S. political landscape. Somebody once said politics is about “who gets how much of what,” but that’s no longer true. In this era of impulse-driven cult-like politics, you see Trumpers voting (and acting) against their self-interest, and you can’t reason with them because they’re not open to logical arguments. (As prominently exemplified by the anti-mask and anti-vaccine movements, which puts their own health and lives at risk.)
So it mostly goes back to the “status resentments” described by Prof. Schneider, which he calls “status frustrations.” The term seems accurate. Today’s Republican politics are grievance-driven, and rightwing propaganda — from whatever source — focuses on drumming up anger and outrage. The fact much of that outrage is based on falsehoods and fabricated grievances is almost beside the point. If it drives voters to the polls, and brings in donations, it serves its purpose.
But it isn’t just rightwing propagandists who are playing this game. The Republican Party’s leaders are, too; for example, at a recent conservative conference, Sen. Josh Hawley (R-MO) barked, “The left’s … grand ambition is to deconstruct the United States of America,” Sen. Ted Cruz (R-TX) hissed, “The left hates America … is trying to use culture as a tool to destroy America,” and Sen. Marco Rubio (R-FL) growled, “We are confronted now by a systematic effort to dismantle our society, our traditions, our economy, and our way of life.” (Quotes from a Mother Jones story here.)
Prof. Schneider’s reminder that such movements have always been part of the American political experience also conveys an important insight: That the impulses driving them are rooted in human nature, which implies they’ll always be with us.